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 Fully Automated Luxury Communism by Aaron Bastani – A Defence

fullyautomatedluxurycommunismAlthough Karl Marx and his key collaborator Frederic Engels were politically engaged, active participants in the class struggle as well as being the theoretical founders of Scientific Socialism, neither of them had much to say about what a future Communist Society might look like. It is not true to say, however, as some critics claim, that they gave no indication of how society and the state might function in the immediate aftermath of the overthrow of capitalism. In his book The Civil War in France, Marx made it clear that he saw the form of Direct Democracy exercised by the Communards in the short-lived but heroic Paris Commune, as an indication of how the working class might exercise State Power in a socialist society, a society that he saw as the transitional stage between Capitalism and Communism. The ideas Marx expressed here were later developed by Lenin in his pamphlet ‘The State and Revolution’ as a model for the future Soviet State, although in reality, for reasons that need not detain us here, very few of them were actually put into operation once this state was established.

That neither Marx nor Engels were willing to speculate on how Full Communism might look, once the concentration of power in the hands of the Proletariat under socialism had been long enough established for the state to, in his own terms, ‘wither away’, was more than anything else an indication of how far away such a prospect seemed at the time that they were writing. One thing that they were clear on however was that Communism, a society where class rule, and hence the repressive apparatus of the state had ceased to exist completely, could only arise in a situation where the application of scientific theory and praxis had created an ‘abundance of goods’ that were accessible to all, rather than to a small pampered elite that lived off the wealth creation of others. Once established, such a society would free individuals from the necessity of dedicating the bulk of their lives to maintaining the barest of existences through their work, thus enabling them to take part fully in the running of that society, as well as being able to dedicate themselves to such noble pursuits as Art, Philosophy and Science. An example of how such a society might function was perhaps given, in somewhat primitive form, by the Ancient Greek City states, where those who were fortunate enough to enjoy full citizenship were freed from the prosaic needs of survival by the existence of large numbers of much less fortunate slaves, thus enabling a flowering of creativity and thought that remains influential to this day. Marx and Engels were of course not agitating for a return to slavery, and indeed strongly supported the abolitionist North against the Slave owning South in the American Civil War. Rather, they saw in the rapidly advancing technological marvels of the Industrial Revolution, the outlines of a future world where mechanisation would allow full citizenship for all, and through that developments in the finer elements of human endeavour that would make the achievements of the Ancients, and of the Enlightenment, seem like a mere prehistoric prelude to history. Under Full Communism, every man would be a Renaissance Man.

Marx and Engels resided for a long period in Victorian Britain, which was then the citadel of world capitalism, as well as the birthplace of the industrial revolution; and it was a through a study of this society that much of what we have come to know as ‘Marxism’ was developed. Here, even in the most developed nation on Earth, they found conditions of extreme poverty afflicting the developing working class, as described most graphically in Engels ‘The Conditions of the Working Class in England.’ Given such appalling conditions, speculation about how a future communist society might look once all such poverty had been eliminated, along with the system of class exploitation itself, would have seemed just that: wild speculation best left to utopians and dreamers, and best avoided by those who based their analysis on the application of the scientific method to the study of politics. Of course, It was also axiomatic to the founders of Scientific Socialism that a society of abundance could only be built from the starting point of the highest forms of capitalism. That is why, the clear expectation of both Marx and Engels was that the first socialist society would be established in one of the most developed capitalist nations, most likely in Britain or Germany. The reality, of course, is that the first state in the world that proclaimed itself to be a Socialist State in the process of advancing towards Communism arose in backward, semi-feudal Russia, a fact that has had a great bearing on the development of socialist thought both East and West.

Those who have called themselves ‘Socialists’ or ‘Communists’ in the West since the Russian Revolution of 1917, have tended to place themselves at either one of two extremes: Firstly, those who follow Marx in insisting that the society of the future is almost unimaginable to our puny, capitalist indoctrinated brains, and therefore such speculation is best avoided; and, secondly, those who say that such a society is already in the process of being created, in the Soviet Union, China, Albania, Cuba, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea et al. Both of these approaches have their weaknesses. The former has led to many activists seeming to do little more than ask people to continue to fight the good fight and to have trust in a brighter future, in the way that religious zealots might demand faith in a future paradise that can bring about through good works and/or devout faith. The latter group is all too easily, rightly or wrongly, portrayed by the defenders of the status quo as apologists for Totalitarian Dictatorship and mass murder.

It is to these historical weaknesses in the case for Socialism/Communism that Aaron Bastani’s book Fully Automated Luxury Communism is addressed.

His essential thesis is that a future of material abundance is now far from unimaginable. The technological advances made since Marx’ time, and particularly in the period since the Second World War, have been literally astonishing, calling to mind the dictum that ‘if technology is sufficiently advanced it becomes indistinguishable from magic’. Marx was around at the time of the invention of the telephone by Alexander Graham Bell: what would he have made of our modern mobile phones, devices through which we hold in our hands virtually the sum total of all human knowledge? The primary mode of transport in Victorian London at the time of Marx’ period of residence in our capital city was the horse-drawn carriage, and the world’s first Railway network was still in the process of being created through the brute labour power of overworked and underpaid itinerant  Navies, the ‘precariat’ of their day. Today, the motor car is king, human beings have walked on the Moon and have developed the ability to send crafts, albeit unmanned, well beyond the confines of our own Galaxy.

And yet, as Bastani shows in clear, easy to read, accessible prose, our astonishing technological advance has been and still is used in the service of a tiny elite, rather than utilised for the benefit of the many; and to make this state of affairs even worse, the ceaseless pursuit of private profit by a few techno-corporate giants threatens, even sans nuclear warfare, to destroy our planet, our habitat, our home, the environment upon which our very survival as a species depends.

Bastani is able to show that a society of post-scarcity is both possible and necessary, as well as to give an indication of how such a society might be achieved and might look. Those of us who are actively engaged in the struggle for a radically different, fairer world, whether we call ourselves Communists, Socialists, Anarchists or Ecologists, be we Trade Unionists and/or campaigners for peace and climate justice, need to absorb, to treat with seriousness, and to make use of the kind of analysis and agenda that Bastani and his co-thinkers are currently advancing. If we don’t, if we ignore such developments and merely implore activists to stick to a study of the classics of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin, Mao, Enver Hoxa, Kim Il Sung, mix and match as you see fit, and if we continue to re-fight the battles of the past rather than becoming proselytisers for an incomparably brighter and entirely realistic future, then we will confine ourselves to perpetual life on the political margins. The revolution will remain, as one wag put it, ‘just around the corner, the same place it has always been.’

Sadly, too many on the political Left have decided to dismiss Bastani’s work as worthless ‘hipster communism’, often it seems to me without having even bothered to read the book, let alone to engage seriously with the ideas put forward within its pages.

Here, in defending Bastani from his ‘Leftist’ critics, I will confine myself to two main points.

The first of these is the contention that FALC is essentially a ‘Reformist’ project. This is a point that is easily dealt with. Of course, the ideas in the book are indeed reformist, reformist in the sense that it contains a set of proposals to be implemented by a future radical government. That is, it is reformist in the same way that Labour’s 2017 and 2019 Election Manifestoes were reformist, in the same way that the 1945 Labour government was reformist. Reforms are important. Reforms, before Thatcher and Blair between them made the word ‘reform’ mean the opposite of its former political definition, have given working people much. But the reforms contained in Bastani’s book, if implemented in full, would amount to a revolution in the way we live more radical than anything ever previously seen.

In one badly argued ‘Left’ critique of FALC, from John Sweeney of the Communist Party of Britain (Morning Star, July 1st, 2019), Bastani’s assertion that the revolution won’t come about through a storming of the Winter Palace was written off disparagingly: why? Leaving aside the point that there was a lot more to the Russian Revolution than the storming of the official residence of the Tsar by an armed detachment of the working class led by the Bolshevik Party, how many on the Left in Britain today seriously believe that the British revolution will come about through a storming of Buckingham Palace? Does Sweeney himself believe this? If he does, then that is indicative of a very narrow understanding of the form and meaning of the socialist revolution.

One of the most exciting ideas that Bastani advocates is that of using technological development in order to advance towards a society of ever-increasing free Universal Basic Services, or UBS, a method he prefers to that of Universal Basic Income, UBI, (UBS rather than UBI), the latter which he rejects as little more than a trick to further enhance the capitalistic notion of ‘personal responsibility’ at the expense of the socialist imperative of collective security, as well as a way of further shrinking what remains of our actually existing Welfare State. Even at the present level of technological development, Bastani argues, it would be possible, once the capitalist class has been dispossessed, to rapidly advance to a system of UBS in the provision of energy, of high-speed broadband and other means of communication, in transport, in housing as well as in education and health care.

As well as UBS, Bastani advocates worker’s ownership of the means of production, to be administered in differing and varied forms (e.g. state ownership, municipal ownership, cooperatives), and the virtual abolition of all intellectual copyright and patent laws, so that the fruits of the sum total of human knowledge truly become the property of all.

Contrary to the impression given by Sweeney and many other ‘Left’ critics, Bastani doesn’t shy away from the need for political struggle if such a radical overhaul of society is to come about. The Red-Green Populist mass movement he calls for might not in and of itself be sufficient to bring about the changes he advocates. But is it really any less realistic than the idea of a shrinking industrial working class being led to power by a ‘vanguard’ party of the type Lenin first advocated in his ‘What is to be Done’ pamphlet way back in 1903?

This leads me to my second main point: the idea that Bastani is a Techno-Determinist who believes that Full Communism will emerge naturally through technological advance, without the need for political struggle at all. In reality, this is a weak caricature of Bastani’s thought, about as accurate as the common misconception that Marxism is an ideology of Economic Determinism which believes that socialism and communism are inevitable, whatever we as human beings do or don’t do.

In fact, the main thread that runs throughout the pages of Fully Automated Luxury Communism is that the potential for modern technology to liberate the whole of humankind from the evils of drudgery, poverty, and alienation, as well as to reverse climate change through ending our dependence on the rapidly diminishing supply of oil, is severely and quite deliberately limited by the physical and intellectual ownership of this technology by a tiny corporate, globalist elite. In short, Bastani’s work is wholly compatible with the Marxian analysis that under capitalism the capacity of the Forces of Production to liberate mankind will always, so long as capitalism exists, be limited by the Relations of Production, the ownership of the means of production by a tiny elite who then use that ownership to enrich themselves rather than to benefit the many.

A single quotation from the closing pages of the book should forever refute the idea that Bastani believes that political struggle is unnecessary in order to bring about revolutionary change:

‘There is no necessary reason why they (scientists and corporations currently leading technological advance – T.G) should liberate us, or maintain our planet’s ecosystems, any more than that they should lead to ever-widening income inequality and widespread collapse. The direction we take next won’t be the result of a predictive algorithm or unicorn start-up – it will be the result of politics, the binding decisions on all of us that we collectively choose to make.’

I am by no means a Bastani fan-boy. I have my own criticisms of his book. I’m not keen on the use of the word ‘Luxury’ for a start, a word that to me conjures up images of indolent decadence rather than of the unleashing of the creative potential of the masses that I believe would arise in a society built on abundance for all. There is also a strong case for dispensing with the word ‘communism’, a word that has, again rightly or wrongly to have much more negative connotations than its original Marxian meaning.  And I agree that Bastani doesn’t say enough about the form that the sort of movement he believes needs to be developed should take: for instance, a new political party, work through the existing parties, a Gramscian long march through the institutions, mass street protest, Trade Union action, or all of the above? Would such a movement, and/or a government committed to implementing Bastani’s ideas be prepared to use violence in order to defeat resistance that would inevitably be mounted by a threatened ruling elite? I would also add ‘Democratic’ and ‘National’ to Bastani’s ‘Red-Green-Populist triptych. ‘Democratic’ because, contrary to the sectarianism that has plagued the Left since the time of Marx himself, it really would be better if we let as many flowers bloom as possible, and ‘National’ because the political struggle is still fought primarily at the level of the Nation-State, and I believe that history has demonstrated that the Nation-State remains the largest form of political organization possible for the operation of a truly democratic culture. In addition, I wouldn’t be as quick as Bastani to dismiss the revolutionary/reformist potential of UBI, dependent on how it is implemented and by whom. There is no contradiction between the ideas of UBI and UBS. The two are twins, not opposites.

But at the very least FALC offers a hopeful vision of a future worth fighting for, and of how that future might look, something that, as I have already suggested, has been sorely lacking from Socialist discourse from its inception. Admittedly, I’m no scientist; and therefore, I’m not in a position to comment on the feasibility of asteroid mining, of nano-technology, of quantum computers, to give but a few examples of the many technological wonders of the future that Bastani believes can lead to a life of meaningful, healthy leisure for all. Nor do I know if the capacity of renewable energies can be expanded to the point that everyday energy usage can be made free for all, whilst at the same time making a huge contribution to reversing climate change, as quickly and as easily as Bastani suggests. But I doubt that many of the True Communist critics of the book are in any better position as regards such matters than I am.

Aaron Bastani advances a vision that inspires me, and can I believe be used to inspire others, to show the disillusioned and the dispossessed that, contrary to the fatalism and pessimism that is deliberately fostered by the ideologues of capital, that another world, a world for the many, not the few, a world that sees nature as a home in need of repair and protection rather than as a resource to be exploited,  is indeed possible.

It is time to leave our self-constructed Far Left ghettoes; time to dream; time to allow the imagination to take power.

Anthony C Green. Anthony C Green is a social care worker, novelist, Trade Unionist, and political activist living in Liverpool. His latest novel Special, based on his experiences as a social care worker, is now available: https://www.troubador.co.uk/bookshop/contemporary/special/

Fully Automated Luxury Communism: A Manifesto Hardcover – 11 Jun. 2019
Hardcover: 288 pages
Publisher: Verso Books (11 Jun. 2019)
Language: English
ISBN-10: 1786632624
ISBN-13: 978-1786632623

 

 

  • Fully Automated Luxury Communism: A Manifesto Hardcover – 11 Jun. 2019
  • Hardcover: 288 pages
  • Publisher: Verso Books (11 Jun. 2019)
  • ISBN-10: 1786632624
  • ISBN-13: 978-1786632623

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The Vanishing Futurist by Charlotte Hobson

The Vanishing Futurist by Charlotte Hobson

• Paperback: 320 pages
• Publisher: Faber & Faber; Main edition (2 Mar. 2017)
• ISBN-10: 9780571234875
• ISBN-13: 978-0571234875

Reviewed by Anthony C Green

thevanishingfuturistThe Vanishing Futurist is a novel that I stumbled upon by accident whilst browsing in Liverpool’s excellent News from Nowhere left-wing bookshop. It is set in Russia in the period immediately prior to, during, and after the revolution of 1917.
The story is told from the perspective of Gerty Freely, a young English governess who works for a wealthy Moscow family. It is told in the past tense, from an unspecified point in the future, although it is clear that it is a point at which the Soviet Union is still in existence. References to a Soviet film of The Vanishing Futurist being made in the nineteen fifties, and other snippets of information, make it appear as though we are dealing with real, historical events. The appearance of real-life individuals such as the great Constructivist architect, designer, and artist Vladimir Tatlin and early Soviet Commissar for Education Anatoly Lunacharsky add to this sense of realism.

As the revolutionary upheavals of 1917 intensify, the Kobolev family by whom Gerty is employed, decide to leave Moscow, for the warmer and safer climate of the Crimea. Finding it more and more difficult to support herself through the teaching of English, and also partly out of ideological commitment, Freely ends up becoming a member of the Institute for Revolutionary Transformation (IRT), a small community which is established in order to practice a radical form of collectivist living, where all goods, including clothes, are held in common. The Communities increasingly meagre supplies of food are all shared equally, all work is collectively undertaken without distinctions of gender, and all diversions from the inner and outer struggle to reinvent oneself as the perfect Socialist Man/Woman are either frowned upon or banned outright.
Sex is regarded as one such diversion, though the proscription on physical relationships between commune members is tested early in the novel when Gerty falls in love with an avant-garde artist, scientist, and fellow IRT member Nikita Slavkin.

It is Slavkin who is the hero of the novel, and the Futurist referred to in its title. He brings his sexual relationship with Gerty to an end not long after it had begun, although his claim that he has done so for ideological reasons is strongly undermined when he quickly becomes physically involved with Sonya, another female member of the commune.

Life in the IRT mirrors developments in the world outside as the young Soviet Worker’s State battles for survival against the combined forces of Imperialist intervention, internal counter-revolution, and endemic poverty and backwardness which has been worsened by the wasteful brutalities of the First World War. Thus, as the original revolutionary spirit of experimentation in art comes up against the austere and harsh requirements of War Communism, a split emerges within the commune itself, between the radical followers of Slavkin on one side, and those who side with Fyodor, an IRT member who stresses the importance of discipline and efficiency as the key to the building of socialism. The original radical impulse of the IRT is further weakened when the leadership of the local Soviet decrees that in order to help cope with the acute housing shortage in Moscow it must open its doors to people who do not necessarily share the ideological fervour of its founders.

This aspect of the novel can be read as an analogy for the way that the revolutionary spirit of Russia’s small but class conscious industrial working class was severely diluted by an influx of more politically and culturally backward elements from the countryside, who were needed to replace workers who had joined the newly established Red Army in order to fight the White Counter-Revolutionaries and imperialist interventionists. This struggle also mirrors the tensions within Russia between on the one side the Slavic/conservative/traditionalist elements and the Westernised/ liberal/modernisers, a tension that dates back to at least the 19h century and is still unresolved within today’s Russian Federation.

It is on two of Slavkin’s radical inventions that the novel hinges. The first is called the PropMash, an abbreviation of Propaganda Machine, which is a form of sensory overload capsule that, by bombarding people with sights, sounds and smells designed to promote socialism, can supposedly rapidly break down individualistic conditioning and raise political consciousness to the required level of the new revolutionary man or woman.

The PropMash has mixed results, and Slavkin’s attention is soon diverted to an intense study of the newly emerging theories of Quantum Physics. These studies lead him to adopt what has become known as the Many Worlds/Multi-verse interpretation of quantum reality, essentially the idea that every decision we make creates a new universe; that an infinite number of parallel universes therefore exist, and that within this plurality of worlds everything that can possibly happen has happened, is happening, or will happen. Although seemingly straight out of a Philip K Dick novel this scientific theory, first postulated by the American Physicist Hugh Everett in the late nineteen fifties, has now become almost mainstream.

Slavkin’s logical deduction from the Many Worlds’ theory is that although Communism, the highest and final form of socialism and thus of human development, may not be possible here and now in the conditions of the backward and impoverished Russia of 1918, there must exist an infinite number of alternate universes where Full Communism has already been achieved. This revelation leads him to invent the Socialisation Capsule, which is essentially a vehicle for the transportation of individuals, beginning with Slavkin himself, from the harsh reality of his own material existence into a dimension where one of these utopian, communist parallel realities exists.

Slavkin’s public questioning of the possibility of achieving communism in present-day Russia quickly brings him to the attention of the local Cheka, the forerunner of the KGB. When he disappears from the experimental laboratory where he has been taken, a disappearance that apparently occurs after the facilities’ housekeeper had heard his new device whirling into action, the central mystery of the novel is posed: has Slavkin actually disappeared into one of the alternate communist futures that he believes must exist or, more prosaically, have his radical scientific theorising and experimentation led him to pay the ultimate price under the increasingly harsh excesses of Soviet Communism? It’s a question that Gerty, who has by now found that her brief physical relationship with Slavkin has left her pregnant with his child, sets out to discover the answer to.

I was not entirely satisfied by the ending to the book, but that may be no more than saying that, as a writer myself I would have chosen to conclude it differently. That aside, I thought The Vanishing Futurist was excellent. it is part Historical Fiction, part Science Fiction, and it deals with big questions, about how we should live, about our capacity to imagine different, better worlds, about high ideals, and how such ideals often come into conflict with the material practicalities of brute survival.

If that makes it sound as though it might be hard going, it isn’t. Its light and easy to read style make it a novel that is accessible to all reasonably intelligent readers. I would, however, add the caveat that although prior knowledge is not essential to the enjoyment of the book, the readers who will get the most from it are those with some background understanding of the main events and themes of the Russian Revolution, and perhaps also of the artistic movements that came to prominence and flowered briefly during this period of history, movements such as Futurism and Constructivism. The writer has clearly done her own homework in these areas, and her novel is highly recommended.

Anthony C Green is a social care worker, novelist, Trade Unionist, and political activist living in Liverpool. His latest novel Special, based on his experiences as a social care worker, is now available: https://www.troubador.co.uk/bookshop/contemporary/special/

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SPECIAL by Anthony C Green 

  •  SPECIAL by Anthony C Green  special
  • Matador £7.99
  • ISBN 9781788033 442

Special is essentially the fictional biography of Annie Carter, born in Liverpool to a white mother and Jamaican father, told from the (her own) perspective of someone with an IQ of 70. The author uses his own experience of working within the field of Social Care for more than 20 years to reconstruct her life-story seen through her eyes. It provides an authentic insight into what is often a largely hidden world.

Annie was born in 1963 a (not “in the late 1950s” as stated on the back cover). The distinction is important. Philip Larkin`s poem Annus Mirabilis rings true to anyone who lived through the period:

“Sexual intercourse began
In nineteen sixty-three
Between the end of the Chatterley ban
And the Beatles` first LP”

The Chatterley ban ended in the autumn of 1960 and the Beatles` first LP came out in the spring of 1963. Larkin`s point is that there really were enormous changes in social attitudes between 1959 and the mid-1960s. In 1959-60 I taught children like Annie, from families who had moved from the Manchester slums of Collyhurst and Harpurhey to a nearby overspill housing estate. They were designated E.S.N. (Educationally Sub-Normal) but were taught in the lowest stream of Primary Schools. Special is set in Liverpool only a few years later, in an environment I found almost unrecognisable from my own experiences.

That said, the book is a gripping read. Jennifer, Annie`s mother, was only 17 when Annie was born. Two siblings arrived at intervals before her father was murdered in a racist attack (the racial element, although apparent throughout the novel, is largely incidental to its main theme) when Annie was 6. Two years later she was sent to an institution some 20 miles away from home. Her mother was an infrequent visitor. The heart of the book is Annie`s reaction to her new situation and how she coped with it. She was always aware of what was going on, unlike some of the other inmates who lacked her level of intelligence. She was sexually abused by staff and even, on a home visit, by a step-father. She ran away when she was 15 and worked as a prostitute in Wigan before being “re-captured”.

The author recounts these experiences with great sensitivity and understanding. He succeeds in the difficult task of empathising with Annie`s situation without either being patronising or under-stating the problems she sometimes caused for others, even for those she instinctively liked. He made one feel sympathetic both to Annie and to her mother Jennifer, who was torn between her love and responsibility for Annie and her need to serve the interests of her other children. And maybe if Annie`s father had not been murdered her life would have turned out differently. Her father doted on her and would surely never have acquiesced in her being sent to Mandlestones, the institution to which she was sent when she was 8. She clearly treasured his memory. I recommend the book warmly. It made me feel on Annie`s side throughout all of her difficulties. In describing the pitfalls which could befall a vulnerable child and adolescent in the 1970s he pulls no punches. Kindness wasn`t absent, but neither was exploitation. In that sense, it is also a piece of social history, the reality of which we have become increasingly aware. It also chronicles an increasingly progressive and humane approach on the part of the authorities.

The Prologue also serves as an Epilogue and should be re-read if its contents have been forgotten during the course of the book.

Reviewed by Henry Falconer

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Buried Lives: the Protestants of Southern Ireland

buriedlivesBuried Lives: the Protestants of Southern Ireland

Robin Bury, The History Press Ireland, Dublin 2019.  20.00

ISBN: 978-1-84588-880-0

Robin Bury, a member of the Church of Ireland, who grew up in East County Cork in the 1950s and 60s, has examined the long and troublesome experience of the Protestants in what he calls ‘Southern Ireland’. He uses this term rather than the ‘Irish Free State’, or the ‘Republic of Ireland’ as he covers the period from before the foundation of the independent Irish state until the present day.

What was it that turned the once strong and thriving southern Irish Protestant community into an ‘isolated, pacified community’ living an isolated parallel existence from mainstream society?  How did the section of Irish society that produced some of the nation’s greatest writers; Jonathan Swift, Oliver Goldsmith, Oscar Wilde, WB Yeats, J M Synge, George Bernard Shaw, and Samuel Beckett; international brands like Guinness, Jacob’s Biscuits and Jameson whiskey decline from 10% of the population in 1911 to less than 3% in 2011? What happened? Was this decline natural, or was it helped by human intervention in some way?

The decline began to accelerate in the period 1919 – 1923. Bury examines carefully the statistics from this period in his first chapter taking into account the number of people directly or indirectly connected with the Royal Irish Constabulary and the British armed forces, those who died in the Great War and the postwar Spanish flu epidemic and natural decrease.  Excluding the approximately 64,600 people included in these categories, Bury estimates that 41,856 southern Irish Protestants left the country; whether by direct intimidation, or their own apprehension and fears of being trapped in what was quickly becoming a conservative, Catholic, Anglophobic state.

The newly formed Irish Free State certainly had no policy of driving the Protestants out.  This was certainly not the case with the IRA ‘irregulars’ who – in east Cork at least – targeted a large number of Protestants; small farmers, businessmen, shopkeepers and one Church of Ireland clergyman. They were seen as the enemy; ‘land-grabbers’, ‘landlords’, ‘Freemasons’, ‘Orangemen’, ‘Imperialists’, ‘informers’; all to justify their killing.

Things got so bad, that the Archbishop of Dublin and two other leading southern Protestants had a meeting with the Free State leader, Michael Collins after thirteen Protestants were murdered in the Bandon valley. They wanted to know if the Protestant minority should stay on in the county. Collins assured them that, “the government would maintain civil and religious liberty”. However, Collins wasn’t in much of a position to do much to help. IRA irregulars assassinated him a few months later.

This is a period that many people, especially in today’s modern Ireland would wish to bury; hence the title, Buried Lives. The author is meticulous in his documentation of this tragic, overlooked, and often deliberately ignored aspect of Irish history. The second chapter records some survivors’ harrowing stories; many given as evidence to the Southern Irish Loyalists Relief Association and the Irish Grants Committee to try to win some compensation for their loss. These personal stories show the genuine terror these survivors experienced.

Bury shows how southern Protestants adapted to life in DeValera’s Free State by living quiet, but largely separate lives, rarely socialising outside their own communities; they ‘kept their heads down’ and got on with things in a virtual parallel universe. Until recent times, the mainstream Irish attitude in the South was deference towards the Catholic Church and a romantic rural nationalism. The Protestants survived because they became an insignificant minority.

Bury also looks at the influence of the infamous Ne Temere decree issued by Pope Pius X in 1907.  Before 1926, only 6.1% of Protestant brides were marrying Catholic men; by 1971 the figure was 30%. Today, it’s closer to 50%. Children of couples married since Ne Temere are brought up in the Catholic faith, further contributing to the decline of the Protestant communities in the State.

Bury looks at the notorious Fethard-on-Sea boycott of 1957 where all Protestant-owned businesses, farms and even individuals were boycotted after the marriage of a local couple broke down and the Protestant wife, Sheila Cloney, took her children away from the Co Wexford town. The boycott was organised by the local parish priest, Fr William Stafford and lasted for nine months.

Happily, the Southern State has changed a lot in the last sixty-odd years since the Fethard-on-Sea boycott. This is not due to the silent minority – the marginalised Protestants – but people, mainly women, brought up in conservative, Catholic Ireland – who said, we’re not going to put up with this anymore.  Strict censorship has gone; Article 44 of the constitution, which gave a special place in society to the Catholic Church, was removed, divorce and contraception were legalised, homosexuality was decriminalised. There is still a long way to go, people are still assumed to be at least culturally Catholic, but perhaps the Southern Protestants may yet find a place in the sun. The rise of Sinn Féin electorally in the Republic may stymie this; it may not. Time will tell.

This book is a useful introduction to a difficult and painful period in Irish history. It has an appendix on the victims of the Bandon valley massacres and extensive notes and a bibliography for further research for any reader wishing to examine the author’s case in detail.

Reviewed by David Kerr

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Counter Culture Interview with Blake Nelson

blakenelsonwithpatrickharrington

Patrick Harrington with Blake Nelson in Edinburgh

Blake Nelson, an American author of adult and young people’s literature, grew up in Portland, Oregon, USA and continues to live in the area. He attended Wesleyan and New York University. Nelson began his career writing short humor pieces for Details magazine in the mid-’90s. These articles, with titles including “How to Date a Feminist” and “How to Live on $3600 a year”, explored the slacker West Coast lifestyle. He has authored many acclaimed novels; the first novel GIRL, was serialized in SASSY magazine and since published in eight foreign countries, before being made into a film starring Selma Blaire and Portia De Rossi. His 2011 novel Recovery Road was adapted by Disney into a TV drama of the same name, premiering on January 2016 on ABC Family. Paranoid Park, a book about skateboarders in Portland, won the prestigious International Grinzane Literary Award (Italy) and was made into a film by Gus Van Sant, which won a special 60th Anniversary prize at the Cannes Film Festival in 2007. The film featured a few of Portland’s old school skate punk legends including Chester and Jay Smay. Blake’s “The Prince of Venice Beach” was short-listed for the 2015 Edgar Award.

Nelson’s latest adult novel The Red Pill (2019) describes how a liberal advertising exec is slowly sucked into alt-right circles after accepting dating advice from his truck driving brother-in-law, Rob.

On a visit to Edinburgh Blake kindly gave an interview to Counter Culture Editor, Patrick Harrington.

 

Counter Culture: First let me thank you Blake for giving Counter Culture this interview. Can I begin by asking you what does the title of your book The Red Pill mean?

Blake Nelson: To become “red pilled” means to be awoken to the true reality around you. It came from The Matrix movie and then it passed into popular culture and it’s very popular with young men on the manosphere and nowadays in political circles. In terms of dating, to be ‘red-pilled’ is to understand that meeting women is kind of a brutal animalistic situation, as opposed to the normie sanitized version of it, where the man is courteous and respectful and the woman is coy and demure. Once you’ve been red pilled you understand that women like bad boys, and jerks, and guys with status or fame. All your worst fears are unfortunately true. It’s a painful lesson in reality. But you’re better off understanding how things really work than living in a fantasy world. And then it’s the same in politics. The realities of politics are harsh. But to survive you better be aware of them.

Counter Culture: What made you interested in that theme?

Blake Nelson: I write young adult books and I was interested in how young men were reacting to the current feminization of American society and ideas like toxic masculinity and male privilege and a general atmosphere that is pretty openly anti-male. Like if you’re sixteen, what do you think of all that? Does it affect you in any way? And so, people kept telling me to go on the manosphere, on the internet, that the answers to my questions might be there. And so I did that and at first, I was finding pickup websites. But then I found websites that were more philosophical about the state of the gender conflict. Then I gradually found political websites that eventually led to alt-right territory. So that’s the same Journey that the guy in the book goes through.

Counter Culture: Did you realize that tackling this subject even in the form of a novel would be so controversial?

Blake Nelson: I did think it would be. American media is so radically Left at this point, theredpillany kind of investigation of this type of material would cause problems. So, I knew it’d be controversial. I’ve done things like that before and I felt like I could handle it and I felt like my representation of the country at that particular moment, like 2016, 2017, was measured enough and balanced enough that nobody could really fault me. Nobody could say I was attacking anyone unreasonably. I was just showing what it was like, and hopefully showing both sides of the coin. But I felt like yeah sure, of course, Leftists will freak out. And they did.

Counter Culture: Your book references Powell’s Books, which is something of a Portland institution. Wasn’t there some kind of protest at your book signing there? Tell me about that.

Blake Nelson: Yeah, that was embarrassing for them actually. They did this big protest. Mostly because of the title of the book. None of them read it. But like if all you know about the red pill is “incels” and “alpha males”, then, of course, the feminists are going to have a problem with it. I noticed that for the protesters one of the big things was consent. Several signs mentioned consent. So they were very worried that young men who were being red-pilled were being taught how to rape women. Of course, the red pill idea is trying to teach young guys how to get women to want to have sex with them. Which is consent. So it was funny that they were so off base. Literally none of them read the book. But in the end, the climate in a place like Portland Oregon, which is an insanely progressive city they don’t care what’s in the book. They saw the title and they attacked. They accused me of being a racist, homophobe, transphobic. They handed out flyers. It was amazing. I knew I might be called these things but when you actually get accused of being a racist in public, in a big public situation, at a bookstore that I used to work at, you know, it stung. It feels weird and I wasn’t quite ready for it. It’s like fame, nobody’s ever ready to be famous.

Counter Culture: Or ready to be infamous.

Blake Nelson: No.

Counter Culture: I noticed that one of the reviews on Goodreads was from a staff member at Powell’s Books who had taken the trouble to read the book to see what the fuss was about. She was of the opinion that there wasn’t really anything that bad in the book and it was quite balanced and that people had misunderstood it. Do you think they’ve kind of missed the point of what you were trying to do?

Blake Nelson: Oh, yes. Absolutely. I think they miss the point of what anybody on the right is trying to do. They literally can’t imagine any perspective but their own. I met that woman, by the way, the woman who defended me at the bookstore. She said, “I don’t like your politics but I did buy your book and it is totally fine.” She was very nice, and I tried to talk to her more, to thank her for defending me but she just turned and left.

Counter Culture: Do you understand why there’s so much emotion against the whole pick up scene and the red pill philosophy? Not just women but some men in the sense that they see it as highly manipulative and as a way of getting around consent by using language and approaches drawn from psychology to try to manipulate people and get what they want. And that does seem to be part of what’s in the pickup culture. Do you understand? I’m not saying the book is like it, but do you understand to a certain extent the reaction, why people are so emotional about that.

Blake Nelson: Yes, I do. I think that they are right in that it is an attempt to be manipulative. But to me the whole realm of trying to manipulate people with language and sales techniques or subliminal advertising, all that stuff, that’s interesting but I don’t really care. None of that stuff is going to get you a real relationship. But if younger guys want to sit around and talk about good opening lines or whatever, it is their right. That’s what interests me. Why is this little corner of the internet the only place where men can even discuss any of this? What happened to the normal ways that men communicate this information? And why does it have to be this huge secret? Feminism has encroached so much on masculine space that men are forced to do this on the internet and I just feel you know, that feminism has overreached its influence on our society. Young guys, teenagers, should feel comfortable talking about dates and what you should do, what you shouldn’t do, and not have to be embarrassed or guilt-shamed or whatever. Women talk about men and men should be allowed to talk about women.

Counter Culture: Why do you think the codes and language in personal relationships are becoming so politicized? What do you think’s causing that? Why is it happening at this point in time?

Blake Nelson: I grew up out west and when I went to college, I was shocked by the degree to which feminism and liberalism and leftism completely dominated every subject. You couldn’t even take an ancient history class without hearing feminist complaints. If you took an art class. If you took an English class. There was this constant critique by the feminists. And I feel like the university was encouraging it. And the professors. There was a consensus, this is how it’s going to be. I didn’t know why they were doing it. I mean at first, feminism made sense. Like after World War II America was pretty traumatized and people just wanted things to be very normal and conservative and patriarchal. But after about twenty years of that, with the technology advancing and America being so prosperous, things had to change. And so there was a natural women’s liberation movement which was you know, they had the time and money to do other things besides be a homemaker. And there was a natural Civil Rights Movement too. It was time to open up society and let things breath. I think a lot of that stuff was completely legitimate but what happened was those tendencies were promoted to such a degree that thirty years later they’ve been corrupted and they’re dividing the country. They’re pitting men and women against each other to the point of seriously damaging our society. There’s always a natural tension between the genders. Of course, there is, in all societies they have this. But that’s been weaponized to a point that nobody wants to get married. It’s created the low birth rate that’s caused all these other problems. So many single women I know are unhappy. They’ve been told to follow their dreams and get that powerful job. But ninety-five percent of them aren’t going to get that powerful job, and what kind of dream is that anyway? Being a corporate asshole, is better than raising a family? But many believe it. And they do it. And it does not lead them to a good place.

Counter Culture: Obviously there’s a huge market for the pick-up material which shows there’s a need for it in some ways. Do you think that? There’s a lot of confusion going on that ultimately will lead to people discussing the proper power divisions in society between men and women and how men and women can relate to one another and get on. Do you see this as just a temporary period where there’s disruption of the normal?

Blake Nelson: well, first of all, I think that the pickup scene is really a lower level of culture that I don’t consider to be terribly important. It’s like when I was a kid, in the back of the comic book, it showed a cartoon of a skinny kid getting bullied and then he goes home, and lifts weights, and then he beats up the bully. To me, that’s what the pickup scene seems like. There’s nothing wrong with it, it’s just for people that are at the bottom of the social competence scale. I feel bad for guys who really struggle just talking to girls and I feel like helping them in any way, is a good thing, you want guys like that to someday get it together enough to have a girlfriend, or fall in love, and get to experience those things. But in terms of what’s going on now with feminism, we’re in a really bad spot. I feel like this is a critical mass we’re getting to. A lot of people think that Generation Z will react against this and become very traditional. But what if they don’t, and it just keeps going as it is? You know bad blood between the sexes, no trust, no responsibility, single moms, broken homes, fatherless boys … it’s just not healthy.

Counter Culture: Can I just play Devil’s Advocate here? You reference the 1950s and I’ve had a discussion before with people in America who see the 50s as a golden era because there was economic prosperity but obviously, the 50s for some people were not necessarily that good and you reference also returning to a kind of traditional way of looking at things. Is that what we should be aiming at? Or do you think we should be recognizing that things in the past weren’t always good for everyone, particularly women who had very little control over their finances. Their autonomy was quite limited. Should we be aiming to return to that kind of patriarchal view or should we be both rejecting the interpretations of feminism that are anti-men, but saying we want to create something new? We don’t want to return to the past. We don’t necessarily want what’s being offered now, but we wanna create something that is beyond both.

Blake Nelson: My guess would be that you would eventually end up with some sort of blend. You’d get a new version of traditionalism that would have all sorts of new aspects to it, that maybe we can’t really imagine right now. That’s why it’s good that there’s always a new generation because these kids Generation Z, the Zoomers, I can’t imagine that they could look at my generation and see something that they would want in terms of how they’re going to live their lives. Just the amount of anger and resentment and defiance that permeates things now. And the level that it’s promoted in sitcoms and everywhere in the media. They pound on this in the media: men are oppressing you, men are taking advantage of you. Constantly sowing the seeds of dissatisfaction, nobody should be happy. They never stop. Women have to resist and fight and defy men at every turn. Are young people going to choose that? I hope not. But I guess they will if the media can control them. I do know some people who have resisted it. I know some women who became mothers and they are sometimes the rebels of their social groups. I have a friend who went to an Ivy League college and she’s very talented, and in the publishing world, and she was on the track to be a literary person at the highest levels of that world. But something happened to her, she was sort of miserable for a time and then she ended up having a couple kids and now she is incredibly happy and she doesn’t work very much, if at all, because the kids are still infants, but I’m sure when the time comes that she can go back into that world, if she wants. And I’m sure she will contribute but the idea that she won’t be at the very top because she stopped to have kids. Well, who cares? Why do you have to be at the very top? And what happens at the very top anyway? People stab each other in the back. Let the men do that.

Counter Culture: I’m a union representative. So I’m aware that if for instance, women take a break from their career in order to bring up children it can adversely affect them economically in terms of their pension. It’s difficult to go back in at the same level. Society really doesn’t support women in that way. I’d say that our society doesn’t seem to be geared towards supporting the family unit. I can quite understand why a lot of women will be worried about concentrating on their family under the kind of system that we’ve got.

Blake Nelson: Well that’s why you need marriage. That’s why you need people to trust in the institution of marriage. Right now, we tell women not to trust it. We put it into their minds when they’re in college that they have to be independent, they have to have their own jobs, their own apartments. They graduate and we distract them with all these options, grad school, travel, interning, working at a non-profit. We get them right on that career track. We feed them right into the consumer machine. Then they get into their late twenties, they’re paying those bills, paying off those student loans. And all the while, feminism is telling them they can’t trust men. They’re going to rape you or drug you at the bar, and when you get older they‘ll use you and leave you and they won’t marry you. You’ll end up destitute with your single child. This theme of you can’t trust men is incredibly damaging. Don’t trust your co-workers, don’t trust your boss, don’t trust your own father. It’s the best way to destroy a woman. Make her distrust all the people she will be dependent on for her entire life. And yes, she will be dependent on men. Women are dependent on men for certain things. Just like men are dependent on women to keep their genes going, to bring life into the world, to give them children. That’s how the whole thing works.

Counter Culture: The Martin character, in your book, is difficult to figure out because he seems quite diffident or uncertain. He doesn’t seem to be particularly passionate about his decisions. How far do you think he reflects the sort of strata of men these days? He doesn’t seem to know what he wants.

Blake Nelson: Yeah, I think he’s very typical. As a character, I made that decision early on. This guy believed all the stuff he heard in college. He is trying to be a feminist himself, an ally. Not like to a ridiculous degree, but just how most guys do. He’s a Gen Xer, forty, so he also has a little of that old fashioned chivalry-idea going too. He thinks being a good, decent person will get him, women. Being a solid guy. But those qualities don’t seem to be valued by anyone in present society, least of all women. It’s like nothing he does feels right. It’s like he’s superfluous like women really don’t have any need for him at all.

Counter Culture: Don’t you think with people who are less socially adept, they find it particularly difficult to know what to do? I’ll give you an example. I mean, we had a controversy recently about our prime minister 20 years ago when he was a journalist touching another (female) journalists thigh under the table, and this was big news in Britain Whether it’s true or not, I mean if it is true, it would seem a bit crude and socially inept to take that approach. A lot of people would know whether someone’s interested in them through visual cues and body language, eye contact and so forth. They wouldn’t need to be as crude as to use that approach. People don’t know how to pick up on that sort of thing are at a disadvantage and bewildered, confused and wondering what they did wrong. They’re looking around like Martin trying to understand what it is they should be doing.

Blake Nelson: Yes. Definitely. I think there’s a lot of people like that. On the other hand, once you’re in a relationship a lot of this stuff just goes away. We’re mostly talking about trying to start a relationship and often men really struggle with that. The question is, does the culture help us or hurt us as we try. Because when a culture wants you to be paired up, you most likely will be. And when it wants to keep you apart as ours does, just look at the growing numbers of single people, then it will influence you in that direction too.

Counter Culture: You do get the impression there’s a kind of bitterness on the part of a lot of the people writing and thinking about these issues.

Blake Nelson: I think people are bitter about it. People in my age group. The younger guys talk about stoicism a lot. They worry about the bitterness infecting them. Which makes sense. When I was first reading this manosphere stuff, it really brought home how bad it is for them. What a mess they’ve been born into. When else in history did the society seem so intent on destroying itself? At least at the level of family and relationships. And these young guys, they still want to do the classic male things. They want to meet a girl and start a family and be the provider, the dad, the hero. Which is now considered patriarchal and evil. What I saw was young men saying, “I want to live a good life, just tell me how to do it.” But nobody can tell them because everything is so upside down. Most of these young men want real relationships, and to be of service to their community or society or whatever. This sense of service was really strong. I was so shocked when I started reading this stuff because I have been indoctrinated too. That men are bad, and just want sex and don’t care about anything. That’s how I was during a lot of my younger life. But the guys on the manosphere do care. Here were these young guys saying, “I’m young. I’m full of life. I’m ready to go. But every direction I go in is perceived as bad. I want to do something good. I want to do what I’m supposed to do.”

Counter Culture: I’m surprised that there aren’t more books written for young men by women, books about dating.

Blake Nelson: Well there’s a lot of books like that and they’re really bad and it’s one of the strange phenomenons of the genders that women are not good at putting themselves in the shoes of men while men are often quite good at putting themselves in the place of women. My whole career was based on one book I wrote in the voice of a teenage girl and everybody was so amazed that I could understand a teenage girl, but I contend that men, in general, are very good at imagining life from a women’s perspective, but women seem to have a tin ear when it comes to the opposite. I don’t really know why that is. And when women write books about how men should act during courtship, they always go down the road of respect women, believe women, be kind, be a good listener, while the pickup guys contend that in fact women like assholes overall. And that nice guys finish last. So who knows?

Counter Culture: The book itself deals with a controversial subject. But when I read it I found it more observational than pushing a particular line or telling people what to think. I thought it was just observing the characters and the difficulties the central character is having. The controversy could be beneficial in that it will get people talking about these kinds of issues more. Do you think that by giving interviews and talking about your motives for writing the book you will get a different kind of debate going in certain areas?

Blake Nelson: Normally I don’t go crazy with the publicity. With my other books, I would think of what were the best couple places to publicize the book and do those and that’s it. Even in some of my book contracts, they force you to give them two weeks or four weeks where you will do any publicity they can dig up. With this book, I couldn’t get any publicity anywhere. I have my kind of dependable people that I call up when I have a new book, you know, could you write a little something? But nobody wanted to touch this book.

Counter Culture: People were shying away from the controversy?

Blake Nelson: They don’t want to get involved. They’re afraid. Why risk getting put on a list, or being the person who gave attention to the racist, sexist, homophobic book? It’s been a sad thing to see. This is an industry I’ve been in my whole life. It’s a very grim atmosphere in the United States. This is a novel we’re talking about. It’s not a book about politics. It’s a novel about dating. And it’s funny. But in a way, I understand people hesitating. When I was doing the final drafts, I thought, do I really want to make trouble for myself by doing this? But I felt like I had to do it. It’s my duty as a writer, as a cultural commentator. It’s my job. I made money during the easy times and I had a nice life, now it’s harder times, so what am I going to do, quit?

Counter Culture: After the Trump presidential victory there was a kind of denial on the part of the Democrats as to why they had lost and there didn’t seem to be very deep thinking about that. I see that in a lot of things in American politics. They seem to not want to understand the strengths of the opposition and not want to understand what might attract people to those candidates and what the problems are that those people are trying to answer. In the case of dating, there’s clearly something going on there. There’s a big demand for this kind of advice as people turn to gurus and say, you know, what am I meant to do. There doesn’t seem to be an attempt to understand that except in a dismissive or pejorative way. No one’s really analyzing what’s going on here and are we partly contributing to this or creating this? And so I guess one would hope that a book like this would create debate and that people would move beyond mere condemnation to trying to understand what’s going on.

Blake Nelson: Yeah, but in the United States there’s no effort to understand the other side.

Counter Culture: I suppose I’ll draw hope from that lady at the Bookshop who did actually bother to read the book and make up her own mind. I guess I would hope that there would be more people like her. I mean obviously, it’s a story, it’s a novel. It should be judged by is it a good story or a bad story? Is it interesting? Right? Does it have something to speak to us about? What does it tell us about the times we live in?

Blake Nelson: Yeah, I was trying to do something like that. I’m conservative myself politically, but I’ve spent my whole life in the realm of New York media, which is of course 90% Leftist. So when Trump got elected my Facebook feed which was all these writers and publishing people became a continuous stream of questions about who voted for Trump. Who are these monsters? Where did they come from? How can we stop them? And when I wrote the book I thought this is perfect. There’s this big question that everyone is asking and I have the answer. And I meant this in a sincere way. Who voted for Trump? I can answer that question. Because I grew up in that world, in semi-rural America. I know those people. I am one of those people. And here’s this novel, explaining it in a nice, calm way. No rants.  No diatribes. I’m just going to gently show you how Trump got elected, or how a Trump supporter might be formed. But no it turns out they don’t care about that. They just want Trump gone. And all his supporters erased from the country. Which wouldn’t leave you much of a country.

Counter Culture: If they refuse to even think about it, they might soon be asking the question: how did he get re-elected? Well, thanks very much Blake for that fascinating interview. That’s great.

You can read our review of  The Red Pill here.

Blake Nelson Bibliography

  • Girl, Simon & Schuster, 1994 (reissue 2007,2016)
  • Exile, Scribners, 1997 User, Versus Press, 2001
  • The New Rules of High School, Penguin, 2003
  • Rock Star Superstar, Penguin, 2005
  • Prom Anonymous, Penguin, 2006
  • Gender Blender, Random House, 2006
  • Paranoid Park, Penguin, 2006
  • They Came From Below, Tor Books, 2007
  • Destroy All Cars, Scholastic Books, 2009
  • Recovery Road, Scholastic Books, 2011
  • Dream School (GIRL #2),
  • Figment, 2011
  • The Prince of Venice Beach, Little Brown, 2014
  • The City Wants You Alone (GIRL #3), Amazon Kindle, 2015
  • Boy, Simon & Schuster, 2017
  • Phoebe Will Destroy You, Simon & Schuster, 2018
  • The Red Pill, Bombardier Books, 2019

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The Red Pill

theredpill

A controversial new work from Blake Nelson

Blake Nelson’s latest adult novel The Red Pill (2019) describes how a liberal advertising exec is slowly sucked into alt-right circles after accepting dating advice from his truck driving brother-in-law, Rob. Martin Harris, newly divorced at 40, is an advertising exec with roots in New York. However, hapless Martin has been out of the dating scene for a while and now has trouble meeting women in the current feminist ‘me too’ climate. Martin fumbles about the dating pool and when Tinder fails, he cautiously accepts advice from his Trump-supporting brother-in-law, Rob.  Martin is unconvinced by these ‘go-for-it’ dating strategies, however, he soon finds that his dating life is improving as he starts to utilize the techniques set out by Pick-up Artists in the ‘manosphere.’  Martin thrilled in his new successes, soon finds that Trump’s astounding victory in the elections is putting a damper on his newly found dating successes. The Red Pill addresses the chasm between feminism and the sexual revolution of the past.

Blake also addresses what it means to be ‘Red Pilled’.  Red Pillers prefer the gritty, painful, ugly truth; and a popular theme with this crowd is the idea that men who want sex should “just go for it” set against a world of resistance and ‘me-too’. The red pill sector tends to be more radically right.

So much for Martin’s clumsy attempts at dating. Martin himself is offended by the blogs as he begins to peruse these for dating techniques. The Red Pill term describes a loose group of political activities with extremist leanings that focus on men’s rights, and this is the world Martin stumbles into. This community feels oppressed by the left-liberal society and sees feminism as a myth. Sat at his desk at work, he quickly turns off the computer and clears the browser history, trying to make sure that all offensive material has been erased. Once he is sure it is clear, he feels he can safely leave the room and heads to the loo to wash the stench off. Martin’s social life then gets thrown a spanner in the works due to the recent conflict between Left-liberal feminism and Trump’s America, and it is this conflict that results in his world view becoming no longer sustainable in his own mind.

Martin falls deeper and deeper into the manosphere where he is making gains sexually by employing their techniques for dating and leans ever further toward right-wing views from this predominantly male blogging community. Juxtaposed with this is the radical left-liberal feminism of the young women, he is attempting to connect with, particularly predominant in a place like hipster Portland. Blake balances this dissonance, against the backdrop of the Trump Presidency, which threw a large proportion of the left feminists and other ultra-liberal groups into full panic mode, depression, anger, and shocked disbelief as they stood on the precipice of this disturbing abyss. It is this split that occurs very much down male/female lines, where the majority of women, angrily stand hand in hand, dead set against Trump’s misogynistic worldview.

While Nelson normally writes in the young adult genre, generally locating these stories in or near Portland, a city he is well acquainted with, this book is more focused on adult themes. It perceptively addresses dating in the current socio and political climate in a society that is very divided. This fiction is based on the hostile socio-political world of Trump vs the ‘Woke,’  which Martin is drawn into and affected by, ultimately to his cost.

You can buy The Red Pill here.

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Channel Islands Occupied – Unique Pictures Of The Nazi Rule 1940-1945

Channel Islands Occupied – Unique Pictures Of The Nazi Rule 1940-1945.  Richard Mayne.  Jarrold & Sons Limited, Norwich, Norfolk, England. 1978.  ISBN 978-0711702448 Card cover.  64 pages.  channelislenazirule

I LOVE READING and I also like to support different charities.  I’m able to combine both of these interests by purchasing books at various charity shops. The books are usually in reasonable nick and are a fraction of their original price.  Therefore, when I came across Channel Islands Occupied in a charity shop a while ago, I was more than happy to pay the princely sum of 50p for it.

Compiled, and with a commentary, by Richard Mayne, it relates to the occupation of the Channel Islands – made up of Alderney, Guernsey, Jersey and Sark, and some smaller islands – by National Socialist Germany during WWII.  At 64 pages, it’s not a huge book.  However, I liked its convenient size – it’s roughly the same as a large postcard so you can keep it in a jacket pocket.  My copy also had reasonably thick cardboard cover which wouldn’t bend too easily.

The Channel Islands were the only part of the British Isles to be occupied by German Armed Forces (around 20,000 troops held the islands) during WWII and this book is absolutely crammed full of evocative photographs of the period.  Reflecting the history and makeup of the islands themselves, all text and captions are in English and French – indeed, the French title of the book is Les Iles Anglo-Normandes Occupées.

The book is dedicated to ‘the memory of the known five hundred and fifty-seven ‘slave’ workers, mainly Russian and Spanish, who died in these islands between 1942 and 1944.’

Richard Mayne sets the scene in his dramatic Introduction:

‘In 1940 Hitler’s legions swept rapidly and violently through France, and on 12 June the swastika, that hated symbol of Nazi Germany, was flown from public buildings in Paris.  With the fall of the rest of France imminent, the German occupation of the Channel Islands also became inevitable. 

There was voluntary evacuation to Britain of the civilian population of the islands and about 34,500 people departed, leaving a population of some 64,000.  In Alderney, the evacuation was so thorough that only 7 people remained out of a population of 1,432.  At the same time, the British Government demilitarised the islands by withdrawing British troops.  The Jersey Militia subsequently became the 11th Battalion of the Hampshire Regiment.  The Guernsey Militia had previously been disbanded to release hundreds of men to volunteer for H.M. forces.’

Channel Islands Occupied is conveniently and effectively set out in chronological order – before, during and after the occupation.  Headings like The calm before the storm, German Command, Fortification, Liberation are all accompanied by a commentary plus many photographs.  However, it’s still possible to dip in and out of it at your leisure – something I did many times.

The full colour cover is striking enough, but the hundred or so fascinating black & white photographs are the highlights of the book.  I’ve read a lot of history books, but I don’t really know too much about the occupation and I’ve never come across any of these photographs before.  They include images of bomb damage, the German military, fortifications, weapons, and the ‘slave’ workers.  Of particular note are photographs of various German proclamations and death warrants.

One photograph is a favourite of mine – it depicts a van belonging to the Jersey Gas Company which has been converted to run on gas.  A massive gas bag sits incongruously on top of the van – it’s truly a bizarre sight as it looks slightly larger than the van itself! – but apparently, there’s enough to fuel the van to cover a distance of 30 miles.

A fairly small photograph also caught my eye.  It depicted the words ‘British Victory Is Certain’ painted over a German language road sign in Jersey.  It made me wonder what the level and type of resistance to the occupation of the Channel Isles was like.  This interests me because I’m sure I’ve come across suggestions that some of the leading lights of island society didn’t exactly go out of their way to oppose the occupation.  I have a vague notion that one of the people who first mentioned this was, ironically, a former member of the British Free Corps, a volunteer unit of the Waffen SS made up of former British PoWs.  Hopefully, I’ll come across the source material again as I believe it’d make an interesting piece for this site.

I’ve wanted to visit the Channel Island for a long time now as a former workmate recommended the area years ago as an ideal holiday destination.  Like me, he was very interested in history – he was also a great fan of the TV programme Bergerac, which starred John Nettles and Louise Jameson, and which was filmed there.  In fact, he was the first person I’d ever come across who would go of his way to visit various TV and film locations – something that seems to be very common these days, given the success of films like Harry Potter and the TV series Game Of Thrones.

Channel Islands Occupied is a great introduction to this little known period of British and German military history.  It has certainly whetted my appetite for more information.  Needless to say, that reading it has deepened the desire to visit as I understand that it’s possible to visit some of the fortifications and associated museums.  Hopefully, I’ll be able to do that in the not too distant future and obviously produce a follow-up article for Counter Culture.

  • Reviewed by John Field

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